The Holocaust Narrative Unravels in Canada
/The Catholic Church, Judaism, and the Old Covenant: Ambiguities, Compromises, and Heresies in Recent Ecclesiastical Documents by Robert Sungenis, CAI Publishing, 2023
On September 22, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau singled out a 98-year-old Ukrainian-Canadian man by the name of Yaroslav Hunka before the parliament in Ottawa as a “veteran from the Second World War who fought for Ukrainian independence against the Russians.”[i] Trudeau’s announcement provoked two standing ovations from Canada’s lawmakers, who described Hunka as both a Ukrainian and a Canadian hero. Not long after the applause died down and Hunka wiped the tears of gratitude from his eyes, reports began circulating which documented the fact that Hunka had fought on the side of the Nazis—Canada’s enemy during World War II—as a volunteer in the Waffen SS’s Galicia Division.
The Ukrainian Nazi story has been festering in the public mind ever since the Jews in the U.S. state department, led by Victoria Nuland, threw their support behind the Azov Brigade as their proxy warriors of choice in NATO’s war against Russia, which began in 2014. As some indication of how neuralgic the Ukrainian-Nazi story has become the Ukrainian Catholic Archeparchy of Philadelphia “enclosed” a monument to Ukrainian war dead at one of its cemeteries on September 14, two weeks before the Hunka incident in Canada, as it seeks “‘open, scholarly and compassionate dialogue’ with Jewish organizations that have expressed concern over this particular memorial and the complex history behind it.”[ii]
In an article which appeared in the Catholic Review, Metropolitan Archbishop Borys Gudziak of Philadelphia said the recent news articles had “alarmed and hurt the Jewish community of Philadelphia” and “at the same time … evoked concern among the Ukrainians in the area.[iii] In his attempt to placate the anger of the Jewish community in Philadelphia, Archbishop Gudziak evoked the “complicated history of the Galician division,” and asked Myroslav Shkandrij, visiting professor of history at Columbia University’s Harriman Institute for Russian, Eurasian and East European studies in New York, to explicate it for him. According to Shkandrij, the question of why Ukrainians like Hunka joined the Galician division “is generally not explained well or even mentioned in articles.” Shkandrij then joins the ranks of the scholars who failed to explain the Holodomor by raising “the big question,” which is “why would these people sign up for a losing cause” in 1943, when Germany was losing the war, and then failing to answer his own question.[iv]
The elephant in the room which this article in the Catholic Review cannot identify is the Jewish participation in the attempt to starve Ukrainians to death known as the Holodomor. The Encyclopedia Britannica entry on the Holodomor was written by Anne Applebaum, wife of former Polish Prime Minister Radosław Tomasz “Radek” Sikorski, the warmonger who demanded that NATO give Ukraine nuclear weapons, and so it is not surprising that Britannica plays down Jewish participation on the Holodomor, but even she mentions Lazar Kaganovich, shorn albeit of his Jewish identity.[v] Ever since the Jewess Nuland overthrew the legitimate government of the Ukraine in 2014, the Jewish Bolsheviks, like Lazar Kaganovich, who were responsible for the Holodomor, have had their identities stolen. They became Russians as soon as Victoria Nuland started the war in the Ukraine, thereby rehabilitating Nazi war criminals like Hunka and his descendants in the Azov Brigade.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau Applaud Yaroslav Hunka
After causing considerable embarrassment to the Canadian government, Parliamentary speaker Anthony Rota took responsibility for the gaffe. In the statement announcing his resignation, Rota said, “I particularly want to extend my deepest apologies to Jewish communities in Canada and around the world. I accept full responsibility for my actions.”[vi] As Rota prepared to fall on his sword, Jewish MP Karina Gould, who joined in the standing ovation celebrating Hunka as a war hero, tried to distance herself from the scandal by tweeting: “Like all MPs, I had no further information than the Speaker provided. Exiting the Chamber, I walked by the individual and took a photo. As a descendent of Jewish Holocaust survivors, I would ask all parliamentarians to stop politicizing an issue troubling to many, myself included.”
Then sensing that an even more radical form of damage control was necessary, Gould asked for unanimous support from parliament to expunge the embarrassing incident permanently from the official record, prompting me to tweet “Nazi Gate goes down the memory hole. Has MP Karina (“As a descendent of Jewish Holocaust survivors”) Gould been reading George Orwell? Does she think pretending that the standing ovation for the Nazi never happened will blot it from everyone’s memory?”
The real source of embarrassment in the affair that has come to be known as #hategate was Trudeau himself, who just one year earlier denounced conservative MPs sympathetic to the Canadian trucker convoy of standing with “people who wave swastikas.”[vii] Like Speaker Rota, Trudeau apologized to the Jewish members of Parliament, who at the moment of Hunka’s triumph were celebrating Yom Kippur, with no recognition that it was they who had enabled the weaponization of the Holocaust to demonize truckers whose concerns were economic and Covid-related and had nothing to do with Nazism, World War II, or the Holocaust.
In a recent discussion of the U.S. National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism, Stew Peters brought up the notorious “Honk Honk equals Heil Hitler” claim which allowed Justin Trudeau to invoke the Holocaust Narrative to destroy the trucker protest in Canada.[viii] This preposterous claim was made by Jewish MP Ya’ara Sachs, who prefaced her remarks with the by now mandatory disclaimer that she had relatives who died in the Holocaust. When Sachs saved the Trudeau government by invoking the Holocaust, she showed that no one, not even truckers who never mentioned Jews or anything to do with the Holocaust, was safe from what has become the all-purpose ploy that will rescue any oligarch from the wrath of his own people. MP Sachs showed that even scrupulous avoidance of saying anything that Jews might find offensive is no defense against the weaponization of discourse that goes by the name of the Holocaust Narrative. Tucker Carlson still refuses to say the word “Jew,” but that didn’t prevent him from being driven from his gig at Fox News when the ADL decided that he had to go. The Holocaust Narrative has turned Canada into one of the most totalitarian governments in the world. This is bad news for the Canadian people, but it is also a warning to everyone else currently under the hegemony of the Holocaust Narrative because Canada is the canary in the mineshaft. When that bird is found dead at the bottom of its cage, it’s a sign that it’s time for the miners to leave before they too succumb to the invisible carbon monoxide which is the best analogy to Jewish privilege in our day.
In their recent book The HateGate Affair: Unmasking Canada’s Hate Industry, authors Caryma Sa’d and Elisa Hategan give new insight into how honk honk came to mean Heil Hitler by explaining how Jewish NGOs and other front groups control law enforcement in Canada by invoking the Holocaust Narrative. The spider at the center of this web is Bernie Farber, founder of the now defunct Canadian Jewish Congress, but more importantly the man who founded the Canadians Against Hate Network in 2018.
In the five years since Farber conjured his NGO into existence, CAHN has become the recipient of numerous government grants, but more importantly it has used that money to gain control over law enforcement in Canada. Sa’d and Hategan tell the story of how Canadian war veteran Jeremy Mackenzie got railroaded by the Canadian legal system based on a case that was based entirely on unverified accusations leveled by Farber as the front man for Jewish interests as represented by CAHN.
Farber used the same tactics to discredit the trucker convoy. According to Sa’d and Hategan, in March 2022, Farber tweeted:
the photo of an antisemitic flyer, supposedly taken by his “friend” at a freedom convoy event in Ottawa, which turned out (thanks to a reverse-image search) to originate from Miami Beach. In any other iteration of reality, the idea that someone appointed to Prime Minister Trudeau’s “expert advisory group” on online safety could possibly fabricate evidence to smear Liberal government critics as antisemites, would warrant scrutiny. Not in Canada.[ix]
The authors have created an admirable piece of journalism, but, as is so often the case with journalism, they can’t see the forest for the trees. The main problem lies with their internalization of Jewish categories. The main Jewish category is that Jews as a collective entity which acts ruthlessly in its own self-interest in defiance of the rule of law do not exist. If Bernie Farber is the founder of both the CJC and CAHN, why isn’t this story about Jewish control of Canadian law enforcement or Jewish control of the Canadian Press. Neither author can bring herself to make that claim even though the text provides ample evidence to back it up.
When Elisa Hategan began her career as a Canadian journalist, “she hit a wall” every time she tried to make sense of what had happened to her as an erstwhile crusader against fascism and white supremacy, “and its name was Bernie Farber. On the power of his word, journalists published boldfaced lies that splashed the front pages of national newspapers.”[x] Editors cowered in fear of Bernie Farber. When he claimed that his associate found an anti-Semitic flier at the Ottawa trucker convoy, no one could gainsay Farber’s word. Truth had become the opinion of the powerful in Canadian journalism, and the most powerful man in that country was Bernie Farber, who was free to wield the Holocaust Narrative against anyone he perceived as his enemy. Within four years of its inception CAHN, “despite being plagued with accusations of inflated numbers, shoddy methodology, and outright lying which led to two lawsuits in federal court,” had become the undisputed master of what was right and wrong in Canada. In the weeks following Charlottesville, Elisa Hategan met for coffee with then Macleans editor Andray Domise to discuss his plans for a column on the re-emergence of the white supremacist right. In that interview, Domise told Hategan that after he’d joined Macleans, his editor told him to direct any questions he had about antiracism to Farber. The directive, according Hategan’s account:
rubbed him the wrong way. Why should he defer to the so-called expertise of a white, privileged boomer who hadn’t lived through the indignities suffered by a person of colour growing up poor in the inner city? Because his equally-white, equally-privileged boomer editor always deferred to Farber? For a black man who’d experienced racism first-hand, “That’s how we do this” wasn’t going to fly.[xi]
The previous passage explains how Farber gets away with defaming people with impunity. The journalist who is outraged because “his editor told him to direct any questions he had about antiracism to Farber” identifies him as “white” because if he had identified him as a Jew, he would have been guilty of anti-Semitism, which meant he would have lost his job. The Jew as a result becomes invisible and therefore untouchable as an agent of subversion and control in Canada.
The HateGate Affair is clearly a Jewish story which the authors cannot identify as such. Jews like Farber and Henry Morgenthaler, the father of legalized abortion in Canada, have gained total control of the government by deploying the Holocaust Narrative against anyone they perceive as hindering their agenda.
But this is also a story about the parlous state of the Canadian Catholic Church. The group ordained by God to uphold the moral order neutered itself as a force for good in Canada when they issued their Winnipeg Statement in 1968, informing that country’s Catholics that they did not have to follow Church teaching on contraception, as manifested in Humanae Vitae, which came out in the same year. Cut off from Rome by their rebellion against Church teaching on sexual morality, the bishops had no other source of authority than Caesar, who at that time happened to be Pierre Trudeau, the father of the current premier. Pierre Trudeau became Canada’s prime minister in the same year the Canadian bishops issued the Winnipeg statement. The effect of this one-two punch to the body politic in Canada has been nothing short of catastrophic for the moral order and political freedom in Canada. Because the bishops never repudiated the Winnipeg statement, willingness to rebel against Rome and prostrate themselves before Caesar became a litmus test for any future candidate for bishop in Canada. This meant that when the Covid crisis arrived, the bishops capitulated totally to the government’s public health mandates, to the point of pastors calling the police when Catholics showed up for Mass without masks. Parish priests could not simultaneously resist their bishops and the government, and so local resistance collapsed, leading to the trucker revolt. Priests could not disobey their bishops, nor could they question or criticize the official narrative because the mind of every Canadian bishop had been captured by this egregious surrender to the power of the state and the pseudo-mysticism of “science.”
If the bishops thought that total capitulation to the Covid narrative would placate Caesar, they were woefully mistaken because the narrative quickly jumped from compliance to Covid regulations to complicity in the murder of innocent Indian children when the residential schools unmarked grave scandal broke. Before it was exposed as a hoax, Catholics were blamed for deaths that never happened, and not one bishop rose up to object. The Church went along with the residential school unmarked graves hoax, which claimed that nuns were torturing children by day and secretly burying them in unmarked graves by night, a fiction which Pope Francis, decked out in an Indian headdress left over from the filming of Fort Apache, explicitly endorsed on his recent disastrous visit to Canada. Every Canadian bishop knew that this was political theater and total nonsense, but, according to one observer, “they lack the courage to stand against the ideological nostrums of the day.”[xii]
As they did in Germany, the Jews offered the Canadian people sexual liberation in exchange for political control. Too late did both Germans and Canadians discover that the yoke of the moral law was easy and its burden light compared to the iron rod of the Holocaust Narrative as wielded by Jews like Henry Morgenthaler and Bernie Farber.
There was once a Catholic explanation of what happened in the camps. In Christus in Dachau, Father Johann Lenz described the sufferings of Catholic priests in detail, but he also explained how that suffering was punishment for atheism and how by accepting that suffering, the priests of Dachau expiated Germany’s sins. That narrative was hijacked by Elie Wiesel in 1958 with the publication of Nuit, Francois Mauriac’s elegant French redaction of Wiesel’s crude Yiddish memoir Un di Velt hat geschvign.
[…] This is just an excerpt from the Nov 2023 Issue of Culture Wars magazine. To read the full article, please purchase a digital download of the magazine, or become a subscriber!
Articles:
Culture of Death Watch
The Case Against Electric Cars by Eric Brandt
Features
My Library Problem – and Ours by Dr. E. Michael Jones
The Jew Taboo by John Beaumont
Reviews
The Holocaust Narrative Unravels in Canada by Dr. E. Michael Jones
The Catcher in the Rye by Andrew Otero
(Endnotes)
[i] Noah Carl, “Canadian Parliament Gives Standing Ovation to Man Who Served in Waffen SS,” The Daily Sceptic, Sept. 24, 2023, https://dailysceptic.org/2023/09/24/canadian-parliament-gives-standing-ovation-to-man-who-served-in-waffen-ss/ [ii] Gina Christian, “Ukrainian Catholic Archbishop Temporarily Covers Controversial WWII War Dead Memorial,” Catholic Review, Sept. 14, 2023, https://catholicreview.org/ukrainian-catholic-archbishop-temporarily-covers-controversial-wwii-war-dead-memorial/ [iii] Christian, “Ukrainian Catholic Archbishop.” [iv] Christian, “Ukrainian Catholic Archbishop.” [v] Holodomor, Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/event/Holodomor [vi] Sara Higdon, “Breaking: House of Commons Speaker Apologizes for Honoring 98-Year-Old Ukranian Nazi, Claims Idea was Entirely His,” The Post Millenial, Sept. 24, 2023, https://thepostmillennial.com/breaking-house-of-commons-speaker-apologizes-for-honoring-98-year-old-ukrainian-nazi-claims-idea-was-entirely-his [vii] John Paul Tasker, “Trudeau Accuses Conservative MPs of Standing with ‘People who wave swastikas,’” CBC News, Feb. 17, 2022, https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/trudeau-conservative-swastikas-1.6354970 [viii] Stew Peters Network, “False Anti-Semitism Claims Used to Justify Patriot Act 2.0: Biden To Label Americans As Terrorists,” rumble, https://rumble.com/v3jnyux-false-anti-semitism-claims-used-to-justify-patriot-act-2.0-biden-to-label-a.html [ix] Caryma Sa’d and Elisa Hategan, The HateGate Affair: Unmasking Canada’s Hate Industry, PDF, Cr!er Media., Sept. 11, 2023, https://crier.co/the-hategate-affair-unmasking-canadas-hate-industry/ [x] Sa’d and Hategan, HateGate Affair. [xi] Sa’d and Hategan, HateGate Affair. [xii] Personal correspondence. [xiii] Robert Sungenis, The Catholic Church, Judaism, and the Old Covenant: Ambiguities, Compromises & Heresies in Recent Ecclesiastical Documents (State Line, PA: CAI Publishing, Inc., 2023), p. 87. [xiv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, pp. 95-6. [xv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 174-5. [xvi] See E. Michael Jones, The Jewish Revolutionary Spirit for details. [xvii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 175-6. [xviii] SSungenis, Supersessionism, p. 171. [xix] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 174. [xx] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 8. [xxi] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 12. [xxii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 13. [xxiii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 23-4. [xxiv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 30. [xxv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 72. [xxvi] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 79. [xxvii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 77-8. [xxviii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 86. [xxix] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 44. [xxx] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 44. [xxxi] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 45. [xxxii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 45. [xxxiii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 45. [xxxiv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 46. [xxxv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 46. [xxxvi] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 48. [xxxvii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 51. [xxxviii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 86. [xxxix] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 147. [xl] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 148. [xli] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 160. [xlii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 160. [xliii] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 171. [xliv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 171. [xlv] Sungenis, Supersessionism, p. 159. 
