Saul Alinsky and Notre Dame
/Eric Norden, “Playboy Interview, Saul Alinsky,”
Vol. 19, No. 3, March 1972, pp. 59-80.
REVIEWED BY ALYSSA RANGEL
Reverend John Jenkins, C.S.C became president of the University of Notre Dame in 2005, the year before I enrolled as an undergraduate, which means he and I were both on campus during the Obama and Vagina Monologue scandals. I found out my black roommate was hanging posters around campus for the monologues when she told me that someone was taking them down. As she eyed me accusingly, I wondered how she knew, but I let the drama unfold in silence. She responded by leaving a lollipop in the shape of female genitalia on my desk. This November, I had the privilege of being on campus during Notre Dame’s Drag Show.
In May of this year,[i] Dr. E. Michael Jones published “#TransTerrorism and Notre Dame” linking Jenkins and the disgraced Holy Cross Priest, Fr. Timothy Scully, who considered Jenkins his protégé and took the credit for getting him elected president of the university. By October, Father Jenkins announced that he was stepping down as president at the end of the academic year.[ii] The abominations that Jenkins committed as President, such as supporting a Notre Dame alumnus during Obergefell v Hodges to legalize gay marriage in the United States is part of the university’s legacy. The success of Notre Dame since its inception in 1842 has depended on a precarious balancing act which uses the respectability that goes along with academia and the Roman collar to achieve revolutionary outcomes with the help of professional radicals … like Saul Alinsky.
Karl Marx Interview
In the preface to the book he wrote the year before he died, Rules for Radicals, Saul Alinsky, wished to acknowledge with “at least an over the shoulder acknowledgment to the very first radical … known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom – Lucifer.”[iii] In doing this, Alinsky showed that he was a true American in the Judaizing Protestant tradition because as both John Milton and Ralph Waldo Emerson had shown, Lucifer was the paradigm of their respective rebellions.[iv] This idea of rebelling against the Creator echoed Marx’s response in an interview that took place in London about a century earlier. When asked “What made you become a philosopher?” Marx responded with the impious reply that he wished to avenge himself “against the One who rules above. My object in life is to dethrone God and destroy capitalism. The task is not just to understand the world but to change it.”[v]
In 1972, the year after publishing Rules for Radicals, and just four months before his death, Alinsky was interviewed by Playboy magazine.[vi] Alinsky was of the opinion that he had “ten more good productive years ahead of me,” but instead died of a massive heart attack walking out of a bank in Carmel, California. During the interview, Alinsky said two non-contradictory things. He said he “unreservedly” chose Hell, and that “Whenever anyone asks me my religion, I always say—and always will say—Jewish.”
INTErVIEW WITH PLAYBOY
By the time Playboy interviewed Alinsky, he thought the groundwork had been laid in America for further exploitation of the less powerful classes by pitting them against big corporations and powerful individuals. The short-term goal was harassing corporate elites; the long-term goal was constant revolution to put power in the hands of those who were funding him. Alinsky referenced the fact that the influence and the protection of paternal hierarchy had been removed – beginning with the world’s Catholic monarchies and ending by Americanizing the Catholic Church. Alinsky told Playboy he was taking care of the last vestiges of “self-righteous paternalism” and “benevolent feudalism.” Any residual ethnic identity was easily subdued and transformed into “the masses.” According to Alinsky, the numerous ethnic groups in America had been turned white. A higher purpose and meaning had been wiped out. All the Americans had left after they had “worked all their lives” was that “little house in the suburbs, their color TV, their two cars,” and their “lives of quiet desperation.”
“They’re losing their kids and they’re losing their dreams. They’re alienated, depersonalized, without any feeling of participation… They’re the first to live in a total mass-media-oriented world,” and intentionally “baffled by the computerized world around them.” They didn’t even have morality, “all their old values seem to have deserted them,” which according to Alinsky meant the middle and lower classes were left “rudderless in a sea of social chaos.” At this point, Alinsky was positioning himself to include the middle class in his revolution against the corporate power elite. “Believe me,” he told Playboy, “this is good organizational material.” It was time to “rub raw the sores” and “galvanize them for radical social change.” When challenged about the middle class’ tendency to conservatism, Alinsky mocked the idea, “Conservative? That’s a crock of crap. Right now, they’re nowhere.”
Alinsky's Childhood
Where did Alinsky’s desire to stick-it-to-the-man come from? Alinsky told Playboy that when he was ten years old his rabbi “slammed me across the room” for demanding four cents more “or nothing” for reading Hebrew “without any errors in pronunciation.” The rabbi, along with Alinsky’s parents, had been grooming him to become a rabbi, and up to this point he had conformed to their wishes to study hard and do well at Yeshiva so as not to end up with a goyischer kop or gentile brain. As Saul “sailed through the air,” he understood that his spiritual father’s interests were not his own, an idea which would hit home once Saul landed in a corner and “the rabbi started cursing me unto the fourth generation.”
Saul’s relationship with his own father was even more abusive. He was the son of his father’s second marriage. Alinsky remembered his father often beating him, at times with a razor strap, and “I’d just nod, sniffling, and skulk away.” He quickly learned to stay out of his father’s way and spent his time at the back of whatever store his father was currently running. When Saul was 13 years old, his parents divorced, and his father moved his successful “sweatshop” to California. Saul, then, lived part time in California, where his loneliness was exacerbated by the fact that his father would “shunt me off to a furnished room somewhere and I’d never see him till I’d leave,” something young Saul experienced as rejection. At the “height of the Depression” when four dollars separated Alinsky from starvation, he reluctantly sent a letter to his father for help, which was received yet went unanswered.
Saul did not experience any grief at his father’s death because his cruel treatment had hardened Alinsky’s heart. This spiritual death was aggravated by the distress caused by the American government’s massive economic failure. Alinsky recalled that at this point he’d “rob a bank before I accepted charity.” Where was his father’s heart? Saul learned that his father had willed $140,000 to an orchard in Israel and to the children of his first marriage, and left Alinsky $50. Once Playboy heard Saul’s answer to the question, “Was your relationship with your father uniformly hostile?” the interviewer opined, “A psychoanalytic interpretation of your life might conclude that your subsequent career as a radical was motivated more by a hatred of your father than by opposition to the establishment.” Saul shrugged off the diagnosis, but this quick and candid interpretation by the nation’s most famous one-handed magazine revealed that there was, even in 1972, a well-known formula for creating radicals and revolutionaries.
The first step is to disrupt a benevolent paternal government that protects society, primarily by disengaging it from the Mother and Mistress of the Nations – the Catholic Church. Once the Church is exposed to exploitation and the State to immorality, the family is unprotected. The second step is to disengage the father of the family and expose the mother and child to exploitation.
In Judaism, God the Father is conspicuous by his absence because Judaism teaches Jews to reject God the Son. They then attempt to inflict their desolation on their host country to disrupt true religion and leave its members writhing in pain and exposed to moral and physical exploitation by more powerful parties. As Trotsky’s assistant Christian Rakovsky (Chaim Rakover) told his Stalinist Secret Police (NKVD) interrogators in 1938 in what is known as “The Red Symphony,” those who ruled partially aspired to absolute domination to protect their credit monopoly and prevent any country from issuing its own credit or money or repudiating its debt. Chaim explained that Karl Marx “laughs in his beard at all humanity” and was hired by the Rothschilds to dupe the masses.[vii] In order to have a world monopoly what needed to be suppressed besides the printing of money, was nationalism and Christianity: “In reality, Christianity is our only real enemy since all the political and economic phenomena of the Bourgeois States, Christianity controlling the individual is capable of annulling the revolutionary projection of the neutral Soviet or Atheistic State.”[viii]
Both the German Lutheran Jew Marx and the Russian Jew Alinsky fit the mold described in Civilta Cattolica by Fr. Giuseppe Oreglia di Santo Stefano who, like Christ, explained that those who reject Him become the children of Satan: many Jews possessed by “Satan, by demons or by spirits, that is, moved by a satanic hatred of the Christian name” have “always persecuted the Christians”[ix] and not the other way around.
This battle has been going on since the Crucifixion of Christ, something Alinsky alluded to when he bragged to Playboy that as a youth he would carry an air rifle to participate in an age-old battle against the Jews’ worst enemy, Catholic Europeans, but particularly “the Poles”: “We’d get up on the roofs with piles of bricks and pans of boiling water and slingshots, just like a medieval siege.” Alinsky fondly recalled “beating the shit out of some Polish kids,” which landed him in jail. “My mother came and took me away, screaming … Who ever heard of a good Jewish boy being arrested, she moaned to the cops.”
Saul Alinsky was the son of Russian Jews who had “emigrated from Russia at the turn of the century.” This massive wave of migration westward was to escape the pogroms which held the Jews responsible for the Czar’s murder in 1881.[x] Once Poland was partitioned in the late 18th century, the Jews in the Pale of the Settlement found themselves in western Russia. Alinsky himself was born in Chicago, which is unfortunate because when banned from American cities, all he had to do was pull out his birth certificate and American passport.
Alinsky admitted that a large number of Jews were “active in the new socialist movement,” and that in the United States they were held responsible for Bolshevism but denied his own family’s participation. Saul admitted, however, that from the age of reason his mind had already been so warped by the Jewish revolutionary spirit that he loved to break the rules, “I was the kind of kid who’d never dream of walking on the grass until I’d see a KEEP OFF THE GRASS sign; then I’d stomp all over it.”[xi]
While being actively rejected by his father, Saul was simultaneously told he was special and was inculcated with a deep aversion to non-Jews, “I’d been taught that gentiles were practically Mongoloids.” When Alinsky became a successful revolutionary, his “Momma” who spoke “more Yiddish than English” would collect all his clippings, “she gloats over the fact that I’m the center of a lot of attention. ‘My son the revolutionary,’ you know.” Alinsky said that it was important to his uneducated Momma that he was a professional and that “it was all anticlimactic” for her “after I got that college degree.”
In his Playboy interview, Alinsky recalled that during the stock market Crash of 1929, he was sitting in a cafeteria thinking, “Here I am, a smart son of a bitch, I graduated cum laude and all that shit, but I can’t make a living….” He was not only too proud to ask for charity, which he admits was a possibility, he was too proud to continue doing “odd jobs around the university at ten cents an hour.” After leading a mob of his fellow students in theft, Alinsky was mysteriously granted the top graduate Social Science Fellowship in the field of criminology even though he had majored in archeology and had never taken “a criminology course in my life.” With his tuition, room and board taken care of, Alinsky targeted the most powerful group available to him by writing his dissertation on Al Capone and his mob, who in Chicago at least, were more powerful than the Federal Government.
Saul Alinsky told Playboy that he was introduced to The Enforcer Frank Nitti, after Al Capone had been tied up in an income tax “rap,” by Big Ed Stash, Capone’s top executioner. According to Alinsky, he warmed-up to Big Ed by asking him to recount the time he murdered a particular redheaded “broad” in Detroit. Saul called Nitti the Professor because “Nitti took me under his wing … showed me all the mob’s operations, from gin mills and whorehouses and bookie joints to the legitimate businesses they were beginning to take over. Within a few months, “I got to know the workings of the Capone mob inside out.” His two years running with the mob included joining them in “their social life of food, drink and women. Boy, I sure participated in that side of things – it was heaven.” Playboy couldn’t figure out why Alinsky was allowed into the mob’s world, and Alinsky wasn’t saying, “I was their one-man student body and they were anxious to teach me. It probably appealed to their egos.”
Alinsky was allowed unhindered access to Al Capone’s books and records. One day Saul, who was so chummy with Frank Nitti that he could call him over, asked, “‘Look, Mr. Nitti, I don’t understand this. You’ve got at least 20 killers on your payroll. Why waste that much money to bring somebody in from St. Louis?’” Apparently the Italian Enforcer was “really shocked” when he realized the psychopath he was working with, and had to explain to Alinsky that even a hit-man wouldn’t kill his own, “one of our boys goes up, the guy turns to face him and it’s a friend, right away he knows that when he pulls the trigger there’s gonna be a widow, kids without a father, funerals, weeping—Christ, it’d be murder.” Even Nitti, the man who had Chicago “tied up tight as a drum” and owned the city, “from the cop on the beat right up to the mayor” and the judges, was surprised at Alinsky’s callousness, according to Alinsky. Nevertheless “Frank Nitti became Saul’s associate, giving him enough power to advocate for the American system’s destruction,” and Alinsky adopted Nitti’s camouflage strategies, which “limited the attraction of public attention.”[xii]
At this point, Alinsky felt ready to drop out of graduate school and took a job working with juvenile delinquents, where he worked with another gang of Italians called the 42 Mob, which was responsible for 80 percent of the auto thefts in Chicago. Alinsky’s work with more than 2,000 criminals helped him make friends he could call on for the rest of his life.
When Saul Alinsky was ousted as a Red, he left his position as a state criminologist and began fighting “fascism at home and abroad” and doing something to “improve the life of the masses of people.” He told Playboy that he worked alongside the Congress of Industrial Organizations or C.I.O., which was “Communist-dominated,”[xiii] and spent all his free time raising funds for the International Brigade in the Spanish Civil War:[xiv] “I was in charge of a big part of fund raising for the International Brigade and in that capacity, I worked in close alliance with the Communist Party.” This indicates that Alinsky had a dog in the international fight, perhaps even more so than at home in the United States.
Father Coughlin
Alinsky told Playboy that his enemy in the United States was Fr. Coughlin’s National Union for Social Justice. Like other America First Patriots, Coughlin was warning Americans not to get involved in the war because it was only in the interest of the “Jews and the ‘international bankers.’” Coughlin started his radio series attacking socialism and communism around 1930. These ideologies became attractive to the average American, Father Coughlin argued, because of capitalist greed: “Let not the workingman be able to say that he is driven into the ranks of socialism by the inordinate and grasping greed of the manufacturer.”[xv] Alinsky agreed with the premise that capitalism led to communism, but that was the goal he wanted to achieve. He needed “sores to rub raw.”
To deal with Coughlin and the Catholic Church Coughlin represented, Alinsky headed to Chicago’s Back of the Yards, which was “95 percent Roman Catholic,” and appealed to the “self-interest” of the local priests. “Within a few months” and with the backing of Bishop Bernard Sheil, who Alinsky already had in his pocket, “the overwhelming majority of the parish priests were backing us, and we were holding our organizational meetings in their churches. To fuck your enemies, you’ve first got to seduce your allies,” he explained to Playboy. Who was Alinsky’s enemy? Alinsky believed dogma was “the ultimate enemy of human freedom.” Once he had an “imprimatur” from the Church, Alinsky was accepted by the “average resident,” who now felt he had the bishops’ and the local pastors’ approval to walk into “the arms of the Reds,” which the Church had been condemning and forbidding.
Industrial Areas Foundation
In 1940, Alinsky established the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) in Chicago as his new “primary base of operation.” Funding for the project came from his personal “fat cat” millionaire Marshall Field III, an investment banker and heir to the Marshall Field department store fortune.[xvi] He was handed to Alinsky by Bishop Bernard Sheil. Between Bishop Sheil’s donations through his Office of Urban Affairs and those of Marshall Field, Alinsky received $10,000 annually. The purpose was to replicate the Back of the Yards mass organization in other cities across the United States and bring large corporations to their knees. “Despite all the crap about ‘people’s capitalism,’ the dominant controlling stock in all major corporations is vested in the hands of a few people we could never get to. … We want to use the proxies as a means of social and political pressure against mega corporations.” Alinsky admittedly wanted power struggles for the sake of perpetual revolution, but he was getting paid by the elite to do this, he was their thug. By organizing the large groups to perform often ridiculous but legal actions, Alinsky could demand impossible outcomes, which could destabilize businesses and government bureaucracy long enough to ensure a crisis and the collapse of the targeted individuals or organizations.
By the start of World War II, Chicago’s most famous Russian Jewish radical was being fought over by the most important members in the American establishment over whether he should join the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the intelligence agency of the United States, or “increase industrial production” at home. In the end, his recruitment into the OSS was blocked so that he could fulfill a “special assignment” at the Treasury and Labor Departments: “my job was to increase industrial production in conjunction with the C.I.O. and also to organize mass war-bond drives across the country.” The man who initiated the “elaborate system of marketing war bonds”[xvii] was the Jewish Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., who lived near, and was close friends with, President Roosevelt. In his interview with Playboy, Alinsky stated twice that he had a direct connection to Franklin D. Roosevelt: “I was helped a hell of a lot by the moonlighting I’d done as an organizer for the C.I.O, and I’d got to know John L. Lewis very well; I later mediated between him and F.D.R. when their political alliance grew shaky.”
After the war, Alinsky’s Reveille for Radicals “became the number one best seller” in the nation, and he was once again framed as the radical sticking-it to corporate America, the Pentagon, Congress, etc. McCarthyism would put a damper on his work, when communists were forced back into hiding and inactivity, but Alinsky was not afraid of McCarthy because he knew that McCarthy had “courted” communists in 1946 to support his fight for the Senate. With this blackmail handy, Alinsky was able to avoid being taken to court and subpoenaed when McCarthy’s committee knocked on his door and demanded a list of people he had worked with.
Alinsky was using the same tactics that Jews used in Europe in the 1800s and in Russia in 1917, because “subversives can get only so far without the funds to back them up.” The author Gay Allen in None Call it Conspiracy explains why big money interests would fund groups that seemed to be fighting against them:
In the Bolshevik Revolution we have some of the world’s richest and most powerful men financing a movement which claims its very existence is based on the concept of stripping of their wealth men like the Rothschilds, Rockefellers, Schiffs, Warburgs, Morgans, Harrimans and Milners. But obviously these men have no fear of international communism. It is only logical to assume that if they financed it and do not fear it, it must be because they control it. Can there be any other explanation that makes sense? Remember that for over 150 years it has been standard operating procedure of the Rothschilds and their allies to control both sides of every conflict. You must have an “enemy” if you are going to collect from the King.[xviii]
The result of the Bolshevik Revolution and the nationalization of Russia was that “insiders” obtained “an enormous piece of real estate, complete with mineral rights, for somewhere between $30 and $40 million.”[xix]
Saul Alinsky repeatedly told Playboy that his primary tactic was to incite the targeted establishment to attack him publicly to convince the people that he wanted to exploit that he was actually on their side. Without opposition, Alinsky was actually powerless. Once the targeted enemy succumbed to mob threat and Alinsky’s requests, whatever they may be, Alinsky would walk away from the people he had temporarily empowered by organizing them. Alinsky’s method or
The ‘Cloward-Piven Strategy,’ as it came to be known through his disciples Richard Andrew Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, was first elucidated in the May 2, 1966 issue of The Nation magazine: it seeks to hasten the fall of capitalism by overloading the government bureaucracy with a flood of impossible demands, thus pushing society into crisis and economic collapse.[xx]
Alinsky would use creative methods to bring about the desired results. In 1958, when the University of Chicago developed a program that would drive out “thousands of Woodlawn residents” and make “their property available for highly profitable real-estate development,” Alinsky was asked to mobilize the blacks in the ghettos against his alma mater. But it turns out that the fight was not only against the University of Chicago, but against Chicago’s department stores, Mayor Daley, building contractors and more. The plan for urban renewal was the spark needed to ignite the blacks by making their “bodies,” Alinsky’s “greatest asset,” available to him: “we had plenty of people ready and willing to put themselves on the line.” By just suggesting to the opposition that he was going to bus 3,000 blacks in their Sunday best to a particular department store during their “busiest shopping day of the week,” Alinsky was able to force the company to offer 200 executive and sale jobs to blacks, among other concessions like forcing Mayor Daley to reorient his Federal funds.
When the Woodlawn district battle began, Alinsky told Playboy he “quickly gained the support of all the Catholic and Protestant churches in the area,” even though the university pointed out that he was actually being funded by the Catholic Church in league with the Mafia!
Was a branch of the Catholic Mafia funding Saul Alinsky? When Alinsky died unexpectedly days before his Rockefeller funds ran out, George Shuster, the Special Assistant to President Ted Hesburgh, C.S.C. of the University of Notre Dame, wrote a letter to Alinsky’s third wife Irene Alinsky[xxi] stating that it was during the Woodlawn project that he became involved with supporting Alinsky because one of Shuster’s contacts in Chicago, Father John Egan, was at the time “cooperating” with Alinsky.[xxii] Yet, as early as the Woodlawn project, George Shuster was the go-to guy for information on Saul Alinsky, “I received a bundle of letters, especially from lawyers and Notre Dame graduates, asking not whether he was a Communist but for information about what he really was. When most of them got the point, [Chicago] University could not win.”[xxiii]
George Shuster in 1960
As early as 1960, Notre Dame alumnus George Shuster and Saul Alinsky were already “close friends”[xxiv] according to Notre Dame historian Fr. Thomas Blantz, C.S.C. who dedicates half a page to Saul Alinsky in Shuster’s biography without mentioning Alinsky’s role as a radical revolutionary or the fact that Alinsky answered to Shuster because Shuster became the president of the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF). This information is also not included in Blantz’s tome Notre Dame: A History (2020). As a long-time friend of the Rockefellers, George Shuster would be essential in funneling Rockefeller money to both Saul Alinsky and the University of Notre Dame.
Shuster was a Notre Dame alumnus who enrolled at the university as a sophomore from 1912-1915. Upon graduating he officially changed the spelling of his name from Schuster to Shuster. After finishing his stint in military Intelligence during World War I, Shuster returned to Notre Dame and became head of the English Department where he worked closely with President Fr. James Burns, C.S.C. who had just spent 19 years in Washington, D.C. As ND’s President, Burns made scandalous changes to the university including getting rid of the younger half of the student body and reorganizing the faculty to attract Rockefeller money. In 1921, the General Education Board of the Rockefeller Foundation offered Burns $250,000 and the Carnegie Foundation offered $75,000 in endowment money to pay for lay professors, “whose number had greatly increased during the latter years.”[xxv] Burns contacted Harvard to learn how to set up an Associate Board of Lay Trustees, which he did. After only three years as president, “Fr. Burns was unexpectedly removed from the presidency by his religious superiors,” for gathering funds from “hostile forces,”[xxvi] which left Burns “wholly disgusted with Notre Dame.”[xxvii] George Shuster also had to go but continued to attack the university as a ghost writer for Father Burns. Shuster described his relationship with the new administration as ‘acidic,’ “They can’ [sic] quite forgive the fact that I’m not obliged to crawl back to Notre Dame for a job...”[xxviii]
In 1925, Shuster had published “two articles in America and The Commonweal highly critical of Catholic higher education in general and of Notre Dame specifically.”[xxix] At Commonweal, Shuster bred Commonweal Catholics for 12 years until he was ousted as communist sympathizer for encouraging Catholics to take sides against Franco in the Spanish Civil War and against Fr. Coughlin: “Letters poured into The Commonweal office; the New York Chancery Office asked Shuster’s parish priest if he still attended Mass.”[xxx] Shuster left his editorial position in Commonweal in 1937, and immediately “accepted a major grant from the Carnegie Foundation and the Social Science Research Council of Columbia University and set out for Europe”[xxxi] to become heavily involved in Germany’s politics, and in particular to “study the Weimar Republic and the Center Party.”[xxxii]
In 1930, Shuster had returned to Germany with a fake[xxxiii] passport because he feared that “in the face of an economic collapse, the country might turn to Adolf Hitler and his Nazi Party to stave off a victory for Communism.”[xxxiv] During his third stay in Germany, Shuster focused on getting the United States into the war by robbing Hitler of Catholic support. Shuster mobilized German Bishops whose philosemitic attitude toward Jews had already been condemned and rebellious priests, like Hans Ansgar Reinhold, who did not answer to the Catholic Church.[xxxv]
Through his writing, Shuster changed the “Germany versus the Jews” narrative to “Hitler versus Religion.” But most importantly, Shuster kidnapped Heinrich Bruening, a man who was politically essential in uniting the German Catholics behind Hitler. Bruening had been Chancellor of Germany, and his Center Party, Germany’s Catholic party, was working with Hitler to save and reconstruct the Fatherland.[xxxvi] After Hitler had signed the Concordat with Rome and was deliberately working to unify the nation, principally by getting the Catholic and Lutheran churches aboard the plan to save the country, Center Party officials and several prominent Catholics were murdered, raising the suspicion that someone was driving a wedge between Hitler and Germany’s Catholics.
Almost a year earlier, Shuster had asked Gustav Oberlaender, one of his benefactors, if in an emergency, he would finance Heinrich Bruening’s escape from Germany. Oberlaender agreed, and so it happened.[xxxvii] Bruening was told he was next in line to be murdered and was provided a “special passport” and pulled out of the country. Shuster conducted multiple major interviews with Bruening and kept him hidden in America under the false name Henry Anderson. During his stay in America, Bruening slowly began to realize he had been kidnapped and put out of commission for political purposes. He noticed the rising anti-German sentiment sweeping America, and realized that Shuster was working with Roosevelt to allow the unchecked spread of communism throughout Europe.[xxxviii] In 1939, Bruening’s attempts to speak to Roosevelt were thwarted.[xxxix] And, according to Shuster, Bruening began to speak about the “United States with such bitter hatred that his words seemed to come out of a well unfathomably deep.”[xl]
As Bruening sat across the table from the man who had helped manipulate German politics since World War I, he became “so broken, so sick at heart by reason of everything that had happened to his country” and so “wounded to the core” that he was no longer welcome in Shuster’s home, forcing Shuster to conclude in an cynical epitaph on Bruening “It is not wise for a man to love his country as much as he did his.”[xli]
Bruening, the “most prominent German politician in exile,” was forbidden from visiting Germany for 14 years, and died in exile in Vermont.[xlii] While in America, Bruening realized that much of the anti-German – Pro-Soviet propaganda sweeping the country was instigated by left-wing German immigrants,[xliii] like the Schusters. These immigrants were “side-lining” Bruening and in his view they pursued a politics of revenge through the allied victors.[xliv] Bruening was aware of the genocidal Morgenthau Plan and is assumed an initiator of the Marshall Plan.[xlv]
Bruening witnessed that many German immigrants became members of the Allied occupation to impose their left-wing politics on Germany. Shuster is a good example of this because during World War II, Shuster held “a high official position with an American occupying army,”[xlvi] and after the war, the State Department dispatched Shuster as part of its propaganda campaign to interview “high ranking war criminals, including Herman Goering.”[xlvii] In April 1950, Shuster was appointed Land Commissioner or the Governor for Catholic Bavaria in Occupied Germany where he tried to “reform the German local political and educational systems of Bavaria to teach democratic values,”[xlviii] which Shuster promoted as compatible with Catholicism. Shuster was responsible for promoting U.S. policies in the areas of politics, economics, education, and law. Because Shuster had been working closely with the Roosevelts since 1940, it is likely he was also working closely with Henry Morgenthau.
In 1953, Shuster was ousted as a communist sympathizer from his position as chairman of the U.S. National Commission for UNESCO. In 1960, Fr. Ted Hesburgh called George Shuster back to Notre Dame and asked him to become his special assistant although “the offer that Shuster accepted from Notre Dame was neither clear nor precise,”[xlix] at least not to the public. In the two-hour long phone call that took place between Hesburgh and Shuster, Hesburgh assured Shuster that private and public funding was now available to turn Notre Dame into a “truly first-rate academic institution.” Hesburgh assured Shuster he, Hesburgh, would be around until these efforts bore fruit. Shuster was “assigned an office in the Administration Building, close to that of Father Hesburgh.”[l] Hesburgh, next, placed a mantle of respectability upon Shuster by awarding him Notre Dame’s prestigious Laetare Medal during “impressive commencement ceremonies on campus” in which Shuster shared the stage with war criminal[li] (see The Holocaust Narrative by E. Michael Jones) President Dwight Eisenhower (commencement speaker) and Cardinal Giovanni Montini, future Pope Paul VI.
After Shuster was hired at Notre Dame, Saul Alinsky wrote to him from Chicago and expressed his fears that Shuster would be hampered in his activities by the intricacies of Catholic politics, “I get feelings of melancholy thinking of you trying to do what you will be doing in a matrix controlled by and permeated by ‘Cheer, cheer for Old Notre Dame’ and ‘Hold that Line.’ … Some say Paul of Tarsus had a push-over organizing the Roman Catholic Church compared to the ordeal of a scholar faced with the South Bend intellectual jungle….”[lii] Privy to deep inside knowledge of the university and South Bend, Alinsky made it clear to Shuster that he was “overjoyed at the [two hour drive] proximity and to know that I shall be seeing you frequently (and if you avoid Chicago I shall repeatedly invade South Bend).”[liii]
In early 1968, Shuster who was at Notre Dame, was asked to sign the minutes of the IAF Board of Trustees meeting that took place on December 14, 1967 in NYC. Those papers included the announcement of the Training Institute, which Shuster had been encouraging Alinsky to begin in order for Alinsky to train “sophisticated personnel” with “highly developed organizational skills and talents for the purpose of building mass-based organizations.”[liv] Shuster admitted Alinsky “was really not much interested in it,” but Alinsky complied, nonetheless. They would now be targeting teachers and the middle class “keeping in mind that three-fourths of America is middle class, a new and long overdue emphasis of the Institute will be placed on the development of organizers for middle class society.”[lv] Until now, it was Blacks who had been used “as Zombies”[lvi] who could be controlled, according to Mr. Ron Karenga at IFCO, IAF’s opposition at the time.[lvii]
On July 17, 1968, Saul Alinsky told Shuster that he was being approached by the Rockefeller Foundation to help it exploit the “whole field of race and the ‘urban crisis.’”[lviii] In the same letter, Alinsky asked Shuster to approach John D. Rockefeller, III and “whoever is the president of the Rockefeller Foundation” on his behalf, as well as “your friend up there on top” in the Ford Foundation. Shuster acquiesced but warned Alinsky that “big Foundations do talk things over regularly anyway, especially when action would be newsworthy as it couldn’t help being in your case.” Some “ill-disposed” individual could possibly “put in a caveat somewhere along the road.”[lix]
In mid-August 1968, Shuster met with Alinsky for lunch at the Morris Inn at Notre Dame in South Bend, and by October 25, the Rockefeller Foundation granted Alinsky’s new Training Institute for radicals $225,000 “during the period ending June 30, 1972” with the caveat that Midas (Muffler) International Corporation Foundation had to grant the IAF $200,000.[lx] Alinsky died suddenly a few days before the end of the funding on June 12, 1972, and at that point Shuster and other IAF members were quick to note that IAF could not continue without Alinsky.[lxi] For this reason, Shuster had been “nagging at him to prepare people to take his place.”[lxii]
By 1969, Shuster, who was President of the IAF, was being re-elected to the Board of Trustees of that organization, which involved a three-year commitment. Other board members were the Dean of the Harvard Medical School, who was also the vice-president of the Rockefeller Foundation, and a member of the pharmaceutical firm Chas. Pfizer & Co. In a letter written in January 1969 Alinsky reminded Shuster that “the major support for the foundation” came from his “personal lecture fees” and he wanted a raise.[lxiii]
Shuster the Revolutionary
Like Alinsky, Shuster was also the son of revolutionaries. Born George Nauman Schuster, he was raised in a Protestant town where itinerant ex-nuns and ex-priests gave anti-Catholic lectures. Shuster’s father was a Catholic stonemason, who married into a German Lutheran family in what Blantz calls “not strictly a Catholic marriage,”[lxiv] in a “chiefly German Lutheran” town. While Shuster’s maternal family was all German Lutheran, his paternal side was revolutionary as well, which is why they ended up in Wisconsin, a haven for those who had envisioned “removing the old monarchical structures” and creating democratic and liberal independent nation-states.[lxv] It was a refuge for the Forty-Eighters. Shuster’s great-grandfather had been a public official in Germany, and he fled Germany, along with his family after the “revolutions of 1848 had fallen short of restoring freedom and democracy to the German people.”[lxvi] Shuster mentioned this ‘frequently with pride,’ and in his novel Look Away! he notes that the American Civil War was a continuation of the European revolutions of 1848:
‘That’s why we are here, Miss Trelour,’ he said, pulling at a blade of timothy ... ‘Father was a leader in the freedom movement in our country ... It does not matter to Father that even the Germans here do not really understand him ... our children, too, will cringe before no man.’[lxvii]…
[…] This is just an excerpt from the Dec 2023 Issue of Culture Wars magazine. To read the full article, please purchase a digital download of the magazine, or become a subscriber!
Articles:
Culture of Death Watch
The Demise of the Last Jewish Kingdom by E. Michael Jones
Features
The Sins of Prophets: Was Calvin a Homosexual? by Pastor Anonymous
Reviews
Saul Alinsky and Notre Dame by Alyssa Rangel
(Endnotes)
[i] May 2023, Culture Wars.
[ii] Notre Dame News, “University President Rev. John I. Jenkins, C.S.C., to step down at end of 2023-24 academic year; Board elects John Veihmeyer to succeed Jack Brennan as Board chair,” October 13, 2023, https://news.nd.edu/news/university-president-rev-john-i-jenkins-c-s-c-to-step-down-at-end-of-2023-24-academic-year-board-elects-john-veihmeyer-to-succeed-jack-brennan-as-board-chair/
[iii] Saul Alinsky, Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals.
[iv] E. Michael Jones, “Why Hawthorne was Melancholy: The ‘Lost Clew’ Explained,” Part I and Part II, Culture Wars, July/Aug 2023, September 2023, Vol. 42, No. 8, 9.
[v] Interview by Richard Marshall, “Exclusive 3:16 Interview with Karl Marx,” 3:16, https://www.3-16am.co.uk/blog/exclusive-3-16-interview-with-karl-marx#:~:text=Karl%20Marx%3A%20I%20wish%20to,world%20but%20to%20change%20it.
[vi] Eric Norden, “Playboy Interview: Saul Alinsky: a candid conversation with the feisty radical organizer,” PLAYBOY, March 1972, Reprinted from PLAYBOY, March 1972, Interview may have taken place February 24, 1972 because the document in the Notre Dame Archives was stamped with this date, University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a09.
[vii] Henry Makow, “What is Communism,” Genuine Christianity Now, Sept. 27, 2023, https://www.genuinechristianitynow.com/2023/09/27/what-is-communism/
[viii] Makow, “What is Communism.”
[ix] Fr. Giuseppe Oreglia di Santo Stefano, The Jewish Persecution of Christianity, Part I of a Six Part Series which appeared in Civilta Cattolica in 1886, published in Culture Wars, March 2021, Vol. 40, No. 4.
[x] E. Michael Jones, The Holocaust Narrative (South Bend, Indiana: Fidelity Press, 2023), p. 51.
[xi] Eric Norden, “Playboy Interview: Saul Alinsky: a candid conversation with the feisty radical organizer,” PLAYBOY, March 1972.
[xii] “Did Saul Alinsky work for Frank Nitty?” Study.com, https://homework.study.com/explanation/did-saul-alinsky-work-for-frank-nitti.html
[xiii] Robert Cantwell, “The Communists and the CIO,” The New Republic, Feb. 23, 1938, https://newrepublic.com/article/104585/the-communists-and-the-cio
[xiv] Eric Norden, “Playboy Interview: Saul Alinsky: a candid conversation with the feisty radical organizer,” PLAYBOY, March 1972.
[xv] Alan Brinkley, “Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression” (New York: Vintage 1983), p. 95.
[xvi] “Marshall Field III,” Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marshall_Field_III
[xvii] U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Henry Morgenthau, Jr. (1934 – 1945), https://home.treasury.gov/about/history/prior-secretaries/henry-morgenthau-jr-1934-1945
[xviii] Gary Allen with Larry Abraham, None Call it Conspiracy, quoted by Mike Steil, “Trotsky’s Role, Culture Wars, November 2019, Vol. 38, No. 11,” Letter to the Editor.
[xix] Gary Allen with Larry Abraham, None Call it Conspiracy, quoted by Mike Steil, “Trotsky’s Role, Culture Wars, November 2019, Vol. 38, No. 11,” Letter to the Editor.
[xx] Mike Steil, “Trotsky’s Role,” Culture Wars, November 2019, Vol. 38, No. 11, Letter to the Editor Section.
[xxi] June 16, 1972
[xxii] Letter from Saul Alinsky as Assistant to the President of Notre Dame to Mrs. Irene Alinsky in Boston, MA, June 16, 1972, Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a09.
[xxiii] Letter from Saul Alinsky as Assistant to the President of Notre Dame to Mrs. Irene Alinsky in Boston, MA, June 16, 1972, Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a09.
[xxiv] Thomas E. Blantz, C.S.C., George N. Shuster: On the Side of Truth (Notre Dame, London: University of Notre Dame, 1993), p. 301.
[xxv] Arthur J. Hope, C.S.C., The Story of Notre Dame, Chapter XXIV, https://archives.nd.edu/hope/hope24.htm
[xxvi] Arthur J. Hope, C.S.C., The Story of Notre Dame, Chapter XXIV, https://archives.nd.edu/hope/hope24.htm
[xxvii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 55.
[xxviii] Blantz, Shuster.
[xxix] Blantz, Shuster, p. 300.
[xxx] Blantz, Shuster, p. 85.
[xxxi] Blantz, Shuster, pp. 85-86.
[xxxii] Hunter College Libraries, Archives and Special Collections, “President George N. Shuster Collection 1939-1960: Finding Aid, PDF, https://library.hunter.cuny.edu/sites/default/files/documents/archives/finding_aids/presidents/President_George_N._%20Shuster_Collection.pdf
[xxxiii] Blantz, Shuster, Shuster used his wife’s middle name on his passport.
[xxxiv] Blantz, Shuster, p. 93.
[xxxv] Blantz, Shuster, pp. 112-113.
[xxxvi] Blantz, Shuster, p. 106.
[xxxvii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 107.
[xxxviii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 109.
[xxxix] Notre Dame Archives, CSHU Box 4, 03, p. 5.
[xl] Blantz, Shuster, pp. 109-110.
[xli] Blantz, Shuster, p. 110.
[xlii] Notre Dame Archives, CSHU Box 4, 03, p. 6, 8. Dr. E. Michael Jones translation.
[xliii] Notre Dame Archives, CSHU Box 4, 03, p. 5.
[xliv] Notre Dame Archives, CSHU Box 4, 03, p. 6, 8. Dr. E. Michael Jones translation.
[xlv] Notre Dame Archives, CSHU Box 4, 03, p. p. 7.
[xlvi] “George N. Shuster (1894-1977): A Local Genius,” Grant County Historical Society, https://grantcountyhistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/George-N-Schuster-article-Feb-2014.pdf
[xlvii] “George N. Shuster (1894-1977): A Local Genius,” Grant County Historical Society, https://grantcountyhistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/George-N-Schuster-article-Feb-2014.pdf
[xlviii] “George N. Shuster (1894-1977): A Local Genius,” Grant County Historical Society, https://grantcountyhistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/George-N-Schuster-article-Feb-2014.pdf
[xlix] Blantz, Shuster, p. 302.
[l] Blantz, Shuster, pp. 300, 302.
[li] See E. Michael Jones, The Holocaust Narrative (South Bend, IN: Fidelity Press, 2023).
[lii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 301, my emphasis, retrieved from Saul Alinsky to Shuster, January 13, 1961, Box 1, Assistant to the President – University of Notre Dame Archives;
[liii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 301, retrieved from Saul Alinsky to Shuster, January 13, 1961, Box 1, Assistant to the President – University of Notre Dame Archives;
[liv] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[lv] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[lvi] IAF to Mr. Lucius Walker, Interreligious Foundation for Community Organizing, July 2, 1968, University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07.
[lvii] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09
[lviii] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[lix] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[lx] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[lxi] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[lxii] George Shuster to Mrs. Irene Alinsky, June 16, 1972, University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a09.
[lxiii] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[lxiv] Blantz, Shuster, p. 5.
[lxv] Revolution of 1848, Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolutions_of_1848
[lxvi] Blantz, Shuster, p. 4.
[lxvii] Blantz, Shuster, pp. 4-5.
[lxviii] Civilta Cattolica: The Jewish Question in Europe (South Bend, IN: Fidelity Press, 2020), p. 24.
[lxix] A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, Eternal Word Television Network, 2016, DVD.
[lxx] Blantz, Shuster, p. 6.
[lxxi] Blantz, Shuster, p. 306.
[lxxii] Blantz, Shuster, pp. 94-95.
[lxxiii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 95.
[lxxiv] Blantz, Shuster, p. 94.
[lxxv] Civilta Cattolica, pp. 30-31.
[lxxvi] Civilta Cattolica, pp. 30-31.
[lxxvii] John Schiff in New York Journal—American, quoted by Mike Steil, “Trotsky’s Role, Culture Wars, November 2019, Vol. 38, No. 11,” Letter to the Editor.
[lxxviii] Michael Kirwan, SJ, “‘Between Politics and Apocalypse’: Rene Girard’s Reading of Global Crisis,” Thinking Faith, Nov. 12, 2015,
[lxxix] Blantz, Shuster, p. 91.
[lxxx] E. Michael Jones, “The Once and Future Morgenthau Plan and the Long Arm of Jewish Vengeance,” Culture Wars, Dec. 2022, Vol. 42, No. 1, p. 32.
[lxxxi] Quoted by Mike Steil, “Trotsky’s Role, Culture Wars, November 2019, Vol. 38, No. 11,” Letter to the Editor; “Zionism versus Bolshevism,” WikiSource, https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Zionism_versus_Bolshevism
[lxxxii] Blantz, Shuster.
[lxxxiii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 106.
[lxxxiv] Blantz, Shuster, p. 97.
[lxxxv] Charles J. Herber “Eugenio Pacelli’s Mission to Germany and the Papal Peace Proposals of 1917,” The Catholic Historical Review, Vol. 65, No. 1 (Jan., 1979), pp. 20-48.
[lxxxvi] Michael Brenner, “The 20th-Century History of Anti-Semitic Attacks on Jewish Politicians,” Smithsonian Magazine, June 29, 2022, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/the-20th-century-history-of-anti-semitic-attacks-on-jewish-politicians-180980333/
[lxxxvii] Geoffrey Alderman, “A Spectaer Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism, by Paul Hanebrink,” Times Higher Education, Nov. 29, 2018, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/books/review-a-specter-haunting-europe-paul-hanebrink-harvard-university-press
[lxxxviii] Geoffrey Alderman, “A Spectaer Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism, by Paul Hanebrink,” Times Higher Education, Nov. 29, 2018, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/books/review-a-specter-haunting-europe-paul-hanebrink-harvard-university-press
[lxxxix] Recorded lecture by Bishop Fulton Sheen, retrieved online.
[xc] Daniel Verdu, “Pope Pius XII, between holiness and Hitler,” El Pais, June 27, 2022, https://english.elpais.com/international/2022-06-27/pope-pius-xii-between-holiness-and-hitler.html
[xci] Daniel Verdu, “Pope Pius XII, between holiness and Hitler,” El Pais, June 27, 2022, https://english.elpais.com/international/2022-06-27/pope-pius-xii-between-holiness-and-hitler.html
[xcii] “Michael von Faulhaber,” Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Michael-von-Faulhaber
[xciii] New York, 1935, pp. 185-191.
[xciv] “Michael von Faulhaber,” Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Michael-von-Faulhaber
[xcv] Blantz, George Shuster, pp. 80-81.
[xcvi] “Shuster, George N.,” Encyclopedia.com, https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/shuster-george-n
[xcvii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 161.
[xcviii] “Shuster, George N.,” Encyclopedia.com, https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/shuster-george-n
[xcix] Blants, Shuster, p. 180.
[c] Blantz, Shuster, p. 161.
[ci] Alice von Hildebrand, Memoirs of a Happy Failure (Charlotte, NC: Saint Benedict Press, 2014).
[cii] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[ciii] Dr. George N. Shuster, George Shuster’s View, “Money Woes at Fordham,” The Catholic Commentator, Volume 6, No. 46, Dec. 20, 1968, https://thecatholicnewsarchive.org/?a=d&d=CAC19681220-01.2.22&e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN--------
[civ] Dr. George N. Shuster, George Shuster’s View, “Money Woes at Fordham,” The Catholic Commentator, Volume 6, No. 46, Dec. 20, 1968, https://thecatholicnewsarchive.org/?a=d&d=CAC19681220-01.2.22&e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN--------
[cv] Shuster, George N.,” Encyclopedia.com, https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/shuster-george-n
[cvi] “The Nature of Contemporary Catholic University” Statement: Patrick J. Reilly, “Fall from Grace: Is Fordham Still Catholic?” Crisis Magazine, May 1, 1992, https://www.crisismagazine.com/vault/fall-from-grace-is-fordham-still-catholic
[cvii] Dr. George N. Shuster, George Shuster’s View, “Money Woes at Fordham,” The Catholic Commentator, Volume 6, No. 46, Dec. 20, 1968, My Emphasis, https://thecatholicnewsarchive.org/?a=d&d=CAC19681220-01.2.22&e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN--------
[cviii] E. Michael Jones, Slaughter of Cities, p. 359.
[cix] Fordham University, History, https://www.fordham.edu/about/fordhams-history/our-story/
[cx] E. Michael Jones, Slaughter of Cities, p. 359.
[cxi] Blantz, Shuster, p. 314.
[cxii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 315.
[cxiii] See David A. Wemhoff, John Courtney Murray, TIME/LIFE, and the American Proposition: How the CIA’s Doctrinal Warfare Program Changed the Catholic Church (South Bend, IN: Fidelity Press).
[cxiv] Blantz, Shuster, endnotes.
[cxv] Blantz, Shuster, p. 212.
[cxvi] See David A. Wemhoff, John Courtney Murray, TIME/LIFE, and the American Proposition: How the CIA’s Doctrinal Warfare Program Changed the Catholic Church (South Bend, IN: Fidelity Press).
[cxvii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 315.
[cxviii] Blantz, Shuster, p. 316.
[cxix] Blantz, Shuster, p. 316.
[cxx] Insight, Summer 1966.
[cxxi] Harris Wofford to President Kennedy, Nov. 23, 1961, Papers of John F. Kennedy. Presidential Papers. President’s Office Files. Special Correspondence. Hesburgh, Theodore M., June 1959-November 1961, https://www.jfklibrary.org/asset-viewer/archives/JFKPOF/030/JFKPOF-030-011
[cxxii] Dr. E. Michael Jones, “Pro-Life Requiem,” Culture Wars, May 2021.
[cxxiii] Dr. E. Michael Jones, “Pro-Life Requiem,” Culture Wars, May 2021.
[cxxiv] Dr. E. Michael Jones, “Pro-Life Requiem,” Culture Wars, May 2021.
[cxxv] Dr. E. Michael Jones, “Pro-Life Requiem,” Culture Wars, May 2021.
[cxxvi] Margery Frisbie, An Alley in Chicago: The Life and Legacy of Monsignor John Egan, https://archives.nd.edu/findaids/html/etext/alley017.htm
[cxxvii] Margery Frisbie, An Alley in Chicago: The Life and Legacy of Monsignor John Egan, “The Worst Kept Secret in Chicago,” https://archives.nd.edu/findaids/html/etext/alley017.htm
[cxxviii] John J. Egan Papers 1895-2001; bulk 1960-2000, University of Notre Dame Archives, AJEG 10771 - CT - Alinsky, Saul - Course to Diocesan Clergy - First Lecture Tape 1 - 1964/0225, AJEG 10772 - CT - Alinsky, Saul - Course to Diocesan Clergy - First Lecture Tape 2 - 1964/0225, AJEG 10773 - CT - Alinsky, Saul - Course to Diocesan Clergy - Second Lecture Tape 1 - 1964/0303, AJEG 10774 - CT - Alinsky, Saul - Course to Diocesan Clergy - Fifth Lecture Tape 1 - 1964/0331; https://archives.nd.edu/findaids/ead/xml/jeg.xml
[cxxix] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxxx] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxxxi] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxxxii] Jo Scott, “President Obama’s Visit to Notre Dame and Attack on Catholic Church,” Operation Save America, February 22, 2012, https://www.operationsaveamerica.org/2012/02/22/president-obamas-visit-to-notre-dame-and-attack-on-catholic-church/
[cxxxiii] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxxxiv] Noah Isackson and Tribune Staff Reporter, “Monsignor John Egan 1916-2001,” Chicago Tribune, May 20, 2001, https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-2001-05-20-0105200375-story.html
[cxxxv] Margery Frisbie, An Alley in Chicago: The Life and Legacy of Monsignor John Egan, “You Just Don’t Say No to the Call of the Lord,” https://archives.nd.edu/findaids/html/etext/alley017.htm
[cxxxvi] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxxxvii] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxxxviii] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxxxix] Letter Hillary Rodham, Berkeley, Calif, to Saul Alinsky, July 8, 1971, https://polination.blog/2014/09/23/hillary-rodham-and-saul-alinsky/
[cxl] University of Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a07, CSHU11a08, CSHU11a09.
[cxli] EWTN, A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing, DVD documentary.
[cxlii] Letter from Saul Alinsky as Assistant to the President of Notre Dame to Mrs. Irene Alinsky in Boston, MA, June 16, 1972, Notre Dame Archives, CSHU11a09.
[cxliii] Blantz, Shuster, pp. 358-359.
